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《中國人的性格》是美國傳教士阿瑟·史密斯(明恩溥)基于1872年赴華傳教期間的社會觀察撰寫的著作,首版英文名《Chinese Characteristics》于19世紀末問世,。作者在華生活逾五十年,書中融合人類學視角與傳教士立場,記錄了晚清民眾的性格特征與文化形態。
全書以27個主題章節剖析中國人行為模式,包含“保全面子”“省吃儉用”等生活哲學,以及“漠視精確”“因循守舊”等社會現象。通過對比西方工業文明,著重探討東方特有的生存韌性,如環境適應力與疼痛耐受性。書中案例多源自山東鄉村生活經歷,涉及衣食住行、孝悌觀念等主題,部分結論因宗教立場存在視角爭議。該著作開創西方研究中國國民性先河,被譯成多國文字,成為近代中西文化互鑒的重要文本。
第十四章 保守自大
與歷史上任何一個民族相比,中國人都更確實地意識到,已經過去的遠古時代,才是他們的黃金時代。中國古代的先賢,總是懷著無比崇敬的口吻,談論著更古的“古人”。孔夫子曾表示,他不是一個創始人,而是一個繼承者。他的使命就是把那些曾經的知識,包括長期被忽略的和被誤解的學問,收集起來。正是他在完成這項事業中所表現出來的執著和非凡的才能,使他成為他這個民族受人尊崇的圣人。正因為孔子面對過去的態度以及他的學說品質,使得他一直被尊崇為圣賢之首。
按照儒家的道德學說,有好的君主,才有好的百姓,君主是盤子,百姓是盤中的水;只有盤子是圓的,水才是圓的;若盤子是方的,水也就是方的。根據這種理論,人們自然會相信,只有明君統治的時代,才有美德的盛行,一個目不識丁的苦力,有時候也會對我們講起在“堯舜”的時代夜不閉戶,因為沒有盜賊,路上丟失了東西,最早看見失物的人會守候在那里,并與其他來人輪流守候,直到失主完好無損地領回失物。失主總能看到他的物品完好無損的擱在那兒。我們常常還可以聽到這樣的說法,就美德與正義而言,現在不如過去;在顛倒黑白方面而言,過去不如現在。
這種厚古薄今的傾向,并非只有中國或中國人才有,世界各國各地都同樣有。只是,在中國這個天子之國,這種傾向似乎更為嚴重。人們相信,古代一切最美好的東西都保留在經典的文學作品中,而今天只是繼承而已。因此,這些文學作品便被當做純粹的偶像。傳統的中國人視中國的古典作品大致上相當于正統的基督徒視希伯來語的《圣經》一樣。他們認為其中囊括了過去所有的精華、最美的智慧以及從古到今都普遍適用的一切真理。虔誠的基督徒根本不相信《圣經》還需要增加些什么,而中國儒家子弟更不相信中國的經典還需要有所增補。基督徒與儒家子弟都認為,一切都盡善盡美,還想去謀求更好,那是不可能的。
正像許多虔誠的基督徒用《圣經》的“經文”來解釋一些《圣經》作者從未想過的事一樣,儒家學者也有這樣的能力,也經常能從“古圣人”那里找到現代政府一切現行政策的依據,以及古代數學乃至現代科學的源頭。
古代經典鑄造了中華民族,也造就了中國的政府體制。無論這種政體的質地如何,至少它是經久耐用的。自我保存是每個人,同時也是民族的第一法則。一種統治方式,經過長時間的運用最后仍然適合,那么這種統治方式就可能被奉為經典。這樣一種常見的統治方式就像是那些古代經典一樣,也令人肅然起敬。如果某位研究中國歷史的學者能夠成功地對中國的政體為何形成今天的樣子有清楚的了解并成功地予以解釋,這或許將是一樁驚人的發現。如果這一過程可以得到揭示,我們想,這樣一個問題就可以得到清晰的答案,即中國為何很少爆發那種其他民族所經常發生的席卷全國的政體革命。
曾有一個故事,說的是一位工匠砌了一堵石墻,墻有六英尺厚,卻只有四英尺高。別人很奇怪他為何要把墻建成這樣,問其原因。他回答說,這種墻若是被風吹倒,反而會更高!中國的政府根本不可能被風吹翻,因為它是一個立方體。當它翻倒時,只是換了個面,無論是外表還是內在本質,都與原來的一個樣。這種過程的反復出現,使中國人懂得了其結果肯定是像貓無論從什么高度落下,都會四腳著地那樣不會改變。于是,人們便開始相信當初設計、建造這一切的人具有無比的智慧,是一個天才。任何要求改良的建議都成了十足的異端邪說。結果是,古人擁有無可爭議的權威,優于后人,后人自愧不如地劣于古人。
頭腦里有了這些清楚的認識后,也就不難意識到,中國人為什么那么盲目固執地遵循過去的生活方式,其實是十分有道理的。中國人和古羅馬人一樣,習慣與道德是同一回事,因為它們同出一源,在內涵上也是一致的。對中國人來說,侵犯他們的風俗習慣就是侵犯了最神圣的領域。他們無需從最終的意義上理解這些風俗習慣,或者嚴格地說,從細枝末節起完全去理解它們。而只要像母熊保護它們的幼仔一樣,出于本能地堅決予以維護。這種本能不只是中國人才有,它是人類所共有的本性。有一個值得重視的現象是,那種成千上萬的人所樂意為之獻身的信仰,卻也是一種他們所不了解、也并不以這種教義來規范、約束他們生活的信仰。
中國的風俗習慣,正如中國的語言一樣,我們并不知道它們是以何種方式形成和發展的。風俗習慣,如同人的言語,一旦形成,就很難加以改變。然而在中國,中國的風俗習慣與語言形成的條件是各不相同的。因此,我們會看到有各種令人眼花繚亂的風俗習慣,也就是俗話所謂的“十里不同俗”,同樣如此,有些地區的人也會講著令人莫名其妙的方言。風俗與方言一旦形成并固定下來,就會像成形的凝固石膏,你可以打碎它,但無法改變它。理論上來講,肯定是這樣。但實際上,理論也肯定會與事實有相當大的出入,以適應現實變化。因為,沒有哪一種風俗習慣真的是永恒不變的,在某種新的條件下,變化總會悄悄發生的。
下面的事例最能說明問題。清政府建政之初,曾在中國漢人中推行削發蓄辮的發型。顯然,改換發型就意味著俯首稱臣。絕大多數的人極力反對這種改變,寧死不從。但滿族人卻堅持推行削發令,并以此作為忠誠于皇帝的標志。事實證明,中國人表現出他們能很好地適應這種削發方式。推行新的削發方式的結果,正如我們所看到的,今天的中國人最引以自豪的莫過于他們的辮子。當年,對清政府這一做法的仇恨痕跡只是殘存于廣東、福建本地人所用的頭巾上了——當年人們用戴頭巾來遮蓋民族的恥辱。
佛教進入中國也經歷過一番斗爭。而一旦完全扎下根來,它就像中國土生土長的道教,擁有了不可取代的位置。
中國的風俗習慣從最初形成到今天的樣子,很容易使人得出一個基本的假定,這就是:現存的就是合理的。一種長期形成的習慣就像是一種專制制度。無數人遵從習慣,但沒有一個人知道這樣做的緣由。他們的職責只是臣服,并且他們也臣服了。在中國的不同地區,對宗教的信仰程度也迥然相異,但有一點是可以肯定的,這就是成千上萬做過“三教”所有儀式的人,他們根本不懂什么叫信仰,就像他們不懂埃及象形文字一樣。若是問起他們所參加的某一宗教儀式的原因時,通常只有兩種回答:第一,是認為與神靈溝通的各種方式都是從古人那里傳下來的,肯定自有其牢靠的根據;第二,是認為既然“每個人”都這么尊崇,那么我也應該這么遵從。在中國,是機器帶動齒輪,而不是齒輪轉動機器。如果這種情況始終出現在每一個地方,那么,就可以說人們對于宗教習俗的遵從,不過是一種最為表面化、形式化的舉動。
蒙古人有一個習慣,每一個擁有鼻煙的人,就會和他的朋友分享之。每個人都帶有一個小煙盒,遇見朋友的時候,他就拿出來給對方吸煙。如果某個先生自己盒內的鼻煙已經吸完,他也還是要把煙盒遞給朋友。他的朋友則假裝著從中捏起一小撮,然后把盒子再送還給主人。如果客人把盒子看成是空的,那就有失“體統”,而假裝在享用鼻煙,則會保全煙盒主人的“面子”。這一切都是按照既定的慣例。在許多重要的場合下,中國人也同樣如此。珊瑚蟲早已沒有了生命,可珊瑚礁卻留了下來,為了避免沉船,行船時就必須小心翼翼地按照既定的航線航行。
用固定不變的方式按照以往的方式行事,并非為中國人所特有。印度的苦力習慣地用頭頂著東西進行搬運。他們在建筑鐵路時運土也采用同樣的方法。承包商為他們提供了一些獨輪車,苦力們反而把獨輪車也頂在頭上。巴西的苦力搬運東西的方式也與印度苦力一樣。一位住在巴西的外國紳士要用人去寄一封信,他驚奇地看著用人把信放在頭頂上,再壓上一塊石頭。思想過程的僵化導致行為模式的僵化,而這樣的僵化對于中國人來說是司空見慣的。我們可以舉出許多我們所熟悉的這種事例。最初教廚師做布丁時,打開第一個雞蛋,就把它扔掉。后來,這個廚師每次做布丁,都把第一個雞蛋打開然后扔掉。事實上,那次第一個雞蛋不過是發現是一個壞雞蛋而已。拿一件有補丁的舊衣服給中國的裁縫照樣子去做一件新衣服。結果,得到的新衣服上也縫了一塊補丁。說這樣的故事并無意于夸大中國人的某種特性,但是,它們卻是非常真實的事實。
每個對中國的風俗習慣有所了解的人,都能舉出中國人因循守舊的例子。對我們來說,中國人的這種因循守舊的確難以理解。除非我們能對他們這種行為背后的公式有根本性理解。在南北大約綿延二十五個緯度的國家,整個國家的人們只按照同一個歷法,在冬天穿上皮衣,夏天戴上草帽。這毫無疑問地表明,他們的祖先是神靈,能預知一切,若不是這樣,那才怪呢。在有的地區,只有到了非常冷的冬天,要依靠燒炕來取暖。是否燒炕,要在歷法的某一天之后。如果旅行者正巧趕上突如其來的“寒潮”,常常會發現,他們根本無法說服店主燒上炕,因為按照歷法,燒炕的季節還沒到!
我們都知道,中國的工匠不愿意采用新工藝,但是就保守程度而言,恐怕沒有幾個人能比得上這位外國人窯廠中的燒磚師傅。他和他的人被一座磚窯雇傭來燒磚,有一次,需要用到比當地所流行的磚更大一點的特殊方磚,外國老板下令燒制這種磚。實際上,燒這樣的磚,只需要準備一個尺寸稍大的木模子就行了。可是結果是,需要用磚的時候,這樣的磚卻沒燒制出來。把接受任務的燒磚師傅叫來質問他的失職,他卻表示難以采用任何這樣的創新,還給出了一個底氣十足的理由是:天底下就沒有這種模子!
無論對中國這個泱泱大國的未來是否有興趣,每一個把寶押在中國的人們,都不可能不看到,中國人的因循守舊會影響到外國人與中國以及中國人的關系。十九世紀的最后二十五年,似乎注定是中國歷史上的最為關鍵的時期。有大量很新的酒提供給中國人,但是,中國人只用各種很舊的酒囊用于裝酒。由于中國人天生的保守,只有很少的人能夠接受新酒。但即使有人能接受很少的那么點新酒,還需要用舊瓶來裝。
中國人目前對西方各國的態度是一種拖延的態度。一方面,他們對一切新事務保持著小小的興趣;另一方面,又根本不想放棄舊的。正像我們看到古老的土屋,本該早就歸還給泥土了,但卻用歪歪扭扭、粗粗糙糙的泥柱子支撐著,拖延著本不可避免的倒塌。已經過時的舊風俗習慣和舊宗教信仰仍然被支撐著,仍一如既往地履行那些泥柱子的職責。“舊的不去,新的不來。”我們時常耳聞的這句話倒是很有道理的。從舊事物到新事物的變化發展過程,可能會長時間受到阻擋,但一定條件下也可能會突然實現。
當初,把電報引進中國時,沿海某省的總督曾上書稟告皇上說,當地人對這樁新奇事物抱有很大的敵意,以至于連電線也架設不起來。但是,后來與法國人開戰迫在眉睫時,不僅架設電線的性質基礎發生了巨大的變化,省政府迅速建起了許多電報站。當局還發現,這些電報站受到了人們普遍的歡迎。
數年之前,許多人還相信“風水”,在中國修建鐵路幾乎是難以逾越的障礙。最早的鐵路只是很短小的一截,只是在開平煤礦的出口處作為運煤通道而建的。由于鐵路修筑要經過一大片中國人的墓地。為了給鐵路讓路,墳墓需要搬遷,這就像在英國和法國的情況是一樣的。只要看一看被一分為二的墓地,就足以讓人們相信,這是一場“風水”與蒸汽機的狹路相逢。然而,風水根本不是蒸汽機的對手。這條鐵路的延伸后來被推遲了,但歷史經驗表明,這首先顯然是由于財政問題才耽擱了,“風水”迷信對其造成的影響是相當的有限的。
在中國人處理重要的事務中,可以發現他們天生的頑固守舊的一面,又會發現他們打破慣例的另一方面。在中國,有這樣的一個牢不可破的規矩,就是守孝道。一個大臣的父母去世了,他必須離職回家守孝。但是,宰相則不然。皇帝會不顧他一而再、再而三的“含淚”申訴,堅決“奪情”,要他在本該守孝的日子里繼續盡心盡責于國家大事。在中國,最為根深蒂固的倫理是父為子綱,兒子必須永遠遵從父親。然而,在最近一次的皇位權力的變更中,由于皇位由旁系親屬所繼承,而小皇帝的父親仍健在。這樣一來,小皇帝的父親要么自殺,要么退休,永不參與政事。因此,光緒繼承皇位之日,其父親醇親王就得辭官。醇親王得病,其兒子,就是光緒皇帝,只能以探望下臣的名義多次探望其父親。當時,采取了某種權宜之計,因為這位父親一直到去世之日,都是兒子手下重要的官員。
如前所述,頑固保守的本能使得中國人過分地強調先生的重要性。但是正確地理解并謹慎利用中國人的這一本能,可以使之成為外國人的重要自保法門,從而使他們能夠與一個如此敏感、如此固執又如此守舊的民族打交道。外國人所要做的,只需模仿中國人的方式,把一切都看作是理所當然的,裝著好像那些沒有明令禁止的權利是存在的,當這些權利受到攻擊時,全力為其辯護,并且想方設法堅持它。因此,在內地和其他城市的外國人的居住權問題,只要像在北京的外國人一樣明智地采取一種墨守成規的處理方式,就不會有什么事,聰明的保守主義就是最安全的防護。險惡的暗礁對于航船,似乎是一種難以逾越的障礙,可一旦穿越它,便可進入一片神秘而又平靜的環礁湖,再也不用擔心風暴和海浪了。
英文原文:
CHAPTER XIV. CONSERVATISM
IT is true of the Chinese, to a greater degree than of any other nation in history, that their Golden Age is in the past. The sages of antiquity themselves spoke with the deepest reverence of more ancient "ancients." Confucius declared that he was not an originator, but a transmitter. It was his mission to gather up what had once been known, but long neglected or misunderstood. It was his painstaking fidelity in accomplishing this task, as well as the high ability which he brought to it, that gave the Master his extraordinary hold upon the people of his race. It is his relation to the past, as much as the quality of what he taught, that constitutes the claim of Confucius to the front rank of holy men. It is the Confucian theory of morals that a good ruler will make a good people. The prince is the dish, the people are the water ; if the dish is round, the water is round, if the dish is square, the water will be square also. Upon this theory, it is not strange that all the virtues are believed to have flourished in the days when model rulers existed. The most ignorant coolie will upon occasion remind us that in the days of Yao and Shun there was no necessity for closing the doors at night, for there were no thieves ; and that if an article was lost on the highway it was the duty of the first comer to stand as a guard over it until the next one happened along, who took his turn until the owner arrived, who always found his property perfectly intact. It is a common saying that the present is inferior to the past in benevolence and justice ; but in violations of conscience the past cannot compete with the present.
This tendency to depreciate the present time is by no means confined to China or to the Chinese, yet in this empire it seems to have attained a sincerity of conviction not elsewhere equalled. All that is best in the ancient days is believed to have survived in the literature to which the present day is the heir, and it is for this reason that this literature is regarded with such idolatry. The orthodox Chinese view of the Classics appears to be much the same as the orthodox Christian view of the Hebrew Scriptures; they are supposed to contain all that is highest and best of the wisdom of the past, and all that is equally adapted to the present time and to the days of old. That anything is needed to supplement the Classics is not believed by a good Confucianist, any more than it would be believed by a good Christian that supplementary additions to the Bible are desirable. When a thing is as good as it can be, it is idle to try to make it better.
Just as many good Christians make some Bible text a pretext for something which the biblical writers never had in mind, so Confucian scholars are able to find in the old masters authority for all modern proceedings, and even the real roots of ancient mathematics and modern science. The literature of antiquity has moulded the Chinese nation, and produced a system of government which has proved its persistence. Since self-preservation is the first law of nations as of individuals, it is not singular that a form of rule so long enduring should be revered. It would be a curious discovery if we could trace the processes by which this government came to be. There have been few interior revolutions in China. The Chinese government is like a cube: when overturned, it falls upon another face, yet remains essentially unchanged. Repeated experience has taught the people this truth, and they believe firmly in the wisdom of their ancient institutions. To suggest improvements is heresy. Hence the deep-rooted adherence to old ways.
To the Chinese, manners and morals are inseparable. An invasion of customs is an invasion of what is most sacred. Customs, like language, once fixed, resist change. Though local dialects and varying customs exist across the realm, old traditions endure. A striking example is the Manchu tonsure imposed upon the Chinese. At first fiercely resisted, over time the queue became a source of national pride, and resentment lingered only in regions where turbans were worn to hide the imposed hairstyle. Buddhism, once fiercely opposed, also became thoroughly assimilated into Chinese life.
In China, long-established usage is followed blindly. Millions observe religious rites with little personal faith, merely because tradition demands it. When asked the reason for a ritual, the common answers are that it was handed down by the ancients, or that everyone follows it. The machinery of tradition moves the people, not the other way around. A Mongolian custom of offering snuff illustrates this well: if the snuff-box is empty, people still pretend to take snuff to preserve etiquette and save face. Many Chinese social practices follow this same pattern— the form remains even when the original spirit is gone.
Blind adherence to precedent is widespread. A cook may copy a spoiled egg from an old recipe into a new pudding simply because the original cook did so. A tailor will patch a new garment because the sample garment had a patch. Such imitation is common across trades and daily life. The whole empire follows a fixed schedule for putting away winter furs and wearing straw hats, regardless of local weather. Innkeepers will refuse to heat the k'ang (brick bed) even during sudden cold snaps if the proper season has not arrived. Artisans resist new methods fiercely. One brick-maker refused to use a new mould, claiming no such tool existed under heaven.
In the last quarter of the nineteenth century, China faced many new ideas and innovations. The nation was forced to confront modern developments with ancient traditions. New wine cannot easily be poured into old wine-skins, and the Chinese have accepted few new ways. China’s attitude toward progress is one of procrastination: there is little desire for the new, and no willingness to abandon the old. Old customs, superstitions and beliefs linger, propped up just as dilapidated mud huts stand for years. As the saying goes, "If the old does not go, the new does not come." Change in China is often long delayed, but may happen suddenly when it arrives.
Telegraphs were once fiercely opposed by local officials who claimed the people would not tolerate them. Yet when war loomed, telegraph lines were quickly erected. Feng-shui (geomancy) was long thought to block railway construction. But when the first railway was built through a cemetery to transport coal, people saw steam power overcome traditional geomantic fears. Superstitions about feng-shui lost much of their power against practical modern needs.
Conflict between ancient rules and practical needs is also visible in official life. For example, the rule that officials must retire to observe mourning for a parent was repeatedly set aside for powerful statesmen when national affairs demanded their service. The hierarchy of father and son, and emperor and subject, is deeply entrenched, yet special arrangements are made when a reigning emperor’s father is still alive. Such compromises show that while tradition is revered, exceptions exist for powerful figures.
China’s conservatism can be an asset for foreigners. By respecting established rights and customs, one can navigate life in the empire safely. Follow precedent, assume existing privileges will be respected, and defend them carefully. This approach has worked for foreign residence rights in Peking and the Chinese interior. The reef of conservatism, once penetrated, becomes a peaceful lagoon for those who understand it.
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